من نحن؟ هل من تفسير سايكولوجي للحرب الأهلية
الباقر العفيف
في السودان حرب أهلية هي الأطول عمراً في أفريقيا، وربما في العالم كله. ظلت هذه الحرب تدور طيلة عمر استقلال البلاد، منذ عام 1955 وحتى الآن في العام 2007. يقدّر عدد القتلى فيها بمليونين من البشر، والمشردين عن ديارهم بسبعة ملايين بين نازح ولاجيء. وقد قتل منذ أن استولت الجبهة القومية الإسلامية على الحكم عام 1989م، بسبب الحرب والمجاعة الناتجة عنها في الجنوب، وأخيرا في دارفور، عدد أكبر مما قتل في الحروب البوسنية والرواندية والصومالية مجتمعة.
و بطبيعة الحال كان لابد من فهم أسباب الحرب. ونعرف أن هناك نظريات متعددة لفهم جذور الحرب في البلاد ساهم بها كتاب سودانيون وغير سودانيين، وقد سقطت بعض هذه النظريات بفعل التجربة التاريخية، مثل تلك التي تَرُدُّ جذور الحرب للاستعمار الذي "بذر بذور الكراهية في نفوس الجنوبيين ضد الشماليين" عندما كان يحاول فصل الجنوب عن الشمال. فلقد أتيحت الفرصة للنخب الشمالية في الخمسين سنة الماضية أن تثبت صحة هذه النظرية في تحليل النزاع، وأن تمحو آثار الإستعمار، بتصحيح الأوضاع ووضعها في نصابها.. فعندما يُعرَف الداء يصبح الدواء واضحاً للعيان.. كان بإمكان الطبقات الحاكمة أن تعمل على اقتلاع بذور الكراهية التي غرسها الإستعمار في صدور الجنوبيين، وأن تبذر في مكانها بذور الحب والإخاء والسلام. ولكن على العكس من ذلك، فقد صبّت هذه النخب الزيت على النار، وواصلت الحرب بنشاط وهمة كبيرين، ولم يكن تحقيق السلام من أولوياتها. ليس هذا وحسب بل اتسمت حربها بالقذارة و التحلل من كل قيد قانوني أو أخلاقي. فاستهدفت المدنيين، وقتلت الأسرى، وحرقت القرى، واغتصبت النساء، وأغلقت منافذ الغذاء عن الجوعى حتى حصدتهم المجاعة، و زرعت في النفوس من الأحزان والضغائن ما يعجز عنه الإستعمار حتى لو بقي أبد الدهر. ولقد كانت تُدَار هذه الحرب باسمنا، وباسم ثقافتنا، فهي تارة حرب لنشر العروبة التي تحمل الإسلام على ظهرها، وتارة حرب جهاد لنشر الإسلام الذي يحمل العروبة على ظهره. ولكن بالنسبة للمكتوين بنارها في الجنوب هي ببساطة حرب الجلابة العرب حفدة صائدي الرقيق، وتجاره الذين انفردوا بهم بعد أن تخلى عنهم الإنجليز. إذن كلنا مسؤولون عن هذه الحرب بدرجات متفاوتة من المسؤولية، ما لم نُدِنْها، و نتبرأ منها، ونعمل من أجل إزالة آثارها. الآن تحول مسرح الحرب الأهلية إلى دارفور، ونحن مواجهون بنفس التحدي الأخلاقي، فنحن مسؤولون عنها إذا سكتنا ولم نصدع بالحقيقة.
والأسئلة التي تطرح نفسها بقوة هي: عماذا تدور الحرب؟. ولماذا استمرت كل هذه المدة؟ وما هي المرجعية الأخلاقية التي ظلت توجه هذه الحرب، سواء كان بالنسبة للحركات المسلحة، أو الجيش الحكومي؟
وبعبارات أخرى، ما الذي يحمل نخباً تحكم شعباً فقيراً ومتخلفاً، على إشعال حرب باهظة التكاليف، مادياً وبشرياً، ليس ضد عدو خارجي غازٍ ومعتدٍ، بل ضد قسم من شعبها؟ لماذا عجزت هذه النخب عن وقف الحرب وتحقيق السلام؟ ألم يكن السلام من أولوياتها؟ ما هو الحافز على استمرار الحرب كل هذه المدة؟ هل كنا نتقدم صناعيا و تكنولوجياً في ظل الحرب؟ هل كنا نزدهر اقتصادياً؟ ألم تكن الحرب خصماً على حقوق الشعب في التنمية، والصحة، والتعليم؟ لماذا لم تنشأ عندنا حركة شعبية ضد الحرب كما نشأت في أمريكا، مثلا، إبان حرب فيتنام؟ أليس استمرار حرب أهلية لأكثر من خمسين عاما أمر يستدعي المقاومة؟ لماذا يترك الشعب أمراً خطيراً كهذا للسياسيين والعسكريين؟ أليس الحرب أخطر من أن تترك لهما؟ لماذا تخرج عندنا مظاهرات الإحتجاج الشعبي الغاضبة ضد قتل الأبرياء في فلسطين ولبنان على يد القوات الإسرائيلية، وضد قتل العراقيين على يد القوات الأمريكية، ولا تخرج هذه المظاهرات ضد قتل المدنيين في الجنوب ودارفور وجبال النوبة والأنقسنا؟ مَن هو الأقرب إلي أهل الوسط والشمال النيلي ومن هو الأبعد؟ أهل دارفور أم أهل فلسطين ولبنان والعراق؟ لماذا نتماهى مع البعيد الذي لا يشعر بنا، ولا يأبه لنا، بل وينظر إلينا نظرة دونية، ولا نتماهى مع القريب الذي يشاركنا الوطن في الجنوب ودارفور وما يشابهما من مناطق السودان؟ ما هي جذور الحرب الأهلية في السودان، وأي النظريات أبعد غورا في الوصول إلى هذه الجذور؟ هل هي نظرية عدم الاعتراف بالإختلاف الثقافي؟ هل هي نظرية الإختلال التنموي؟ هل هي نظرية الصراع حول الموارد؟ هل هي نظرية التهميش السياسي والإقتصادي والثقافي؟ هل هي نظرية الصراع بين الهويتين الجنوبية والشمالية، أو الأفريقية والعربية الاسلامية؟ هل هي أزمة هوية في مركز الحكم وحاضنته الثقافية والعرقية؟ هل هي تعبير عن انحراف نفسي؟
محاولة لفهم الحرب الأهلية
أشرت بصورة عابرة في إطار طرح الأسئلة، للنظريات المختلفة التي حاولت فهم جذور الصراع. ولي نقد مؤسس لكل واحدة من هذه النظريات، لا يسعفني الوقت باستعراضه هنا، ولكنها جزء من كتاب أرجو أن يرى النور قريبا. بيد أني أشير هنا إلى جانب لم يُطرَق بعد وهو الجانب السايكولوجي. وأحب أن أطرح لكم هذا السؤال: هل يمكن أن يكون الجذر الأعمق للحرب سايكولوجياً؟ أنا أعتقد أن منطلق الحرب عندنا في الشمال النيلي والأوسط هو هوية مأزومة، تعاني منها النخبة الحاكمة، والنخب المتعلمة بصفة عامة، وسواد الناس. فالرؤى المتوارثة لهؤلاء عن أنفسهم رؤى ملتبسة، نتجت عنها علاقة ملتبسة مع الآخرين. أنا أعتقد بأننا في هذا الشمال لا ندري من نحن؟ أي لا نعرف حقيقة أنفسنا. وأن لنا وعياً زائفاً بأنفسنا. نحن مغتربون عن ذاتنا الحقيقية، وهي ذات نوبية. وأننا تاريخيا تبنينا الهوية العربية عن طريق التمثل الثقافي لأسباب استراتيجية مثل "التمكين". وحتى هذه اللحظة ظل التمكين هو المحرك الأساسي لعدد من المجموعات غير العربية لتتماثل ثقافيا مع العروبة وتتبني الهوية العربية مثلما نرى في مناطق النوبة ودارفور. وحتى الهوية الإسلاموية التي تبناها الإسلامويون في التاريخ الحديث تبنوها لهذا السبب الإستراتيجي، أي "التمكين". ولقد ظلت هذه العبارة "التمكين" من أحب العبارات بالنسبة للإسلامويين، يستخدمونها بحالة من "التمطق"، والاستمتاع. فهم أوغلوا في الاغتراب عن الذات المغترب عنها أصلا حتى اختفت ملامحهم، وعجزنا عن التعرف عليهم، ومن ثم تساءلنا من هم هؤلاء الناس؟ ومن أين أتوا؟.
الإرث التاريخي
وبطبيعة الحال فالإرث التاريخي لأجدادنا "يحط بثقله في تحديد من نحن وماذا يمكن أن نكون". والأمر الراجح أن أجدادنا هؤلاء تعرضوا لحالة مكثّفة من حالات الزلزلة النفسية، أدّت لتَمَثُّلِهِم ثقافياً مع العرب. ومن الواضح أنه بالنسبة للنوبيين،لم يعد العالم مستقرا. فالهويات القديمة حامت حولها الشكوك، والناس لم يعد بإمكانهم أن يكونوا أنفسهم. الحوافز لإجراء انقلاب في الهوية كانت قوية وكثيرة. والشروط قد اكتملت. اضمحلت الذات (النوبية) أمام المثال (العربي)، وتم امتصاصها كليا بواسطته.
و"التمثل الثقافي"، كما يُعَبِّر ديفيد ليتين، "شبيه باعتناق الدين، وكما توضح أدبيات التحولات الدينية بصورة قاطعة، فإن ما يُعْتَبَر مسلكاً براغماتياً بالنسبة لهذا الجيل، يعتبره الجيل الذي يليه أمراً طبيعياً. ولذلك فإن الأجيال التي تنشأ في ظل التحوُّلات الدينية التي أضْطُرَّ لها الآباء، ستلجأ، مدفوعة بضغوط السلطات الدينية، إلى النظر لآبائها باعتبارهم كانوا منافقين". هذا الرأي يشابه مفهوم دي فواه عن الهويات المصنوعة "كهويات منحرفة". فهي تدل بالنسبة إليه "على نفعية بلغت مبلغ الشطط" وتمثل علامة على "الاختلال الداخلي"، الذي يحدث في شروط اجتماعية محدده تمارس تأثيراً هائلاً على الإدراك الذاتي للهوية الشخصية. فرغم طبيعتها المصنوعة، فإن "مكونات الهوية تستطيع إدراج الفرد في سياقها بل حتى استعماره".
المجموعات التي تتعرض لمثل هذه الحالة من "الإدراج" لا ينبثق النظام الرمزي من ذاتها الجماعية، بل يكون مستعاراً في العادة من مركز الهوية التي تهفو إليها تلك الجماعة، وترغب أن "تكونها"، وهذا هو حال السودانيين الشماليين. هذه الشروط تعد المسرح لبروز تناقضات الهوية، ولزحف عدم الاستقرار إلى خلايا المجتمع، ولتفاقم أزمة الهوية حتى تسد عليه الأفق.
الأسطورة والحقيقة
وكما ذكرنا في أعمال أخرى، فإن هناك أسطورة وهناك حقيقة في الشمال. الأسطورة هي أن الشماليين عرب، أما الحقيقة فهي أنهم مستعربون. الأسطورة هي ان الشماليين تحدَّروا من أب عربي وأم نوبية. الحقيقة هي أنهم في غالبهم الأعم نوبة عرقيا، أبوهم وأمهم نوبا. بيد أنهم خضعوا لعملية استعراب وأسلمة، فقدت معها مجموعات منهم لغاتها الأصلية. فالشماليون إذن يبنون حياتهم كلها على الأسطورة، وهذا مكمن أزمة هويتهم. إذن فأهل الشمال مارسو عملية قتل الأب الحقيقي، واتخذوا لهم أباً بديلا، ومارسوا إقصاء الأم تماما عن وعيهم. فهل عقدتنا الأساسية شبيهة بعقدة أوديب؟. وهل سبب تماهينا مع الفلسطينيين والعراقيين واللبنانيين هو تماهي مع كل ما يمثله هذا الأب البديل؟. ومن الناحية الأخرى، هل سبب عدم التماهي مع الجنوبيين والنوبة والدارفوريين هو قتل الأب وقمع الأم النوبيين؟. وهل استبعاد التاريخ والحضارة النوبية من وعينا، وإدارة ظهرنا لأفريقيا المعاصرة يمكن ردهما لهذه الحالة السايكلوجية؟
إن سلاماً دائماً في السودان لن يتسنى مطلقا تحقيقه دون مواجهة تلك الأساطير واستبدالها بالحقائق، ودون استعادة الأب النوبي المُقْصَى عن وجداننا، والذي مارسنا علية حجراً صحياً، وألقينا به في غياهب جب عميق، في أقصى أعماق اللا وعْي، وهذا لعمري عقوق ليس بعده عقوق.. كما أنه لا يمكن تحقيقه دون احترام الأم النوبية وإعادة الاعتبار لإرثها وحضارتها وتاريخها. فما لم يتعرف الشماليون على ذواتهم الحقيقية، وما لم يقبلوها، و يعيشون في سلام معها، فإنهم لن يتمكنوا من العيش في سلام مع الآخرين. إنني على قناعة بأن الحرب التي تشنها الطبقة الحاكمة الشمالية على المكون الأسود للبلاد، ما هي في حقيقة الأمر إلا تعبير خارجي عن الحرب التي يشنها الشماليون على المكون الأسود داخل ذواتهم. إن المقاومة التي تصدى لها المواطنون المهمَّشون ضد مركز القوة يجب اعتبارها رمزا وحافزاً على المقاومة داخل الذات الشمالية نفسها. إن الكثيرين من المثقفين الشماليين يرون في الحرب الأهلية بين المواطنين المهمَّشين والمركز، صيحة إنذار وناقوس خطر يُقرع للذات الجمعية الشمالية. هذه الحروب تجد أساسها في الهوية، ويجب التعبير عنها هكذا. إن فشل اتفاقية سلام دارفور في التقاط هذا الجذر للنزاع في دارفور يترك، ببساطة، أصل الداء دون دواء ويكتفي بعلاج الأعراض فقط لا غير.
هذه محاولة للتنقيب عن الجذور الأكثر عمقاً للحرب في السودان ولإثبات أن سلاما دائما لن يتسنى التوصل إليه دون معالجة تلك الجذور. إنني على قناعة بأن أسباب الحرب الأهلية في السودان تنبع من مكمن الهوية العرقية، وأن الجذور الأعمق للحرب ليست سياسية، أو اقتصادية، أو تنموية فحسب وإنما هي أيضاً سايكولوجية.
لقد تحدث الكثيرون، ومن بينهم قادة التمرد في الجنوب ودارفور، عن سياسات التهميش كأحد جذور الحرب، وذلك صحيح بطبيعة الحال ولكنه ليس كافياً. لأن السؤال الذي يتبع ذلك هو ما السبب في سياسات التهميش نفسها. إن التهميش لا يحدث مصادفة ولا عشوائيا، بل هو سياسة واعية مخططة مبنية على رؤية الطبقة الحاكمة الشمالية لنفسها وتقديرها للقيمة الإنسانية للناس المهمَّشين. لقد بدا التهميش أولا على مستوى التصورات، قبل أن تتم ترجمته إلى أفعال وسياسات وتجاهل واستغلال للمناطق المهمشة ومواطنيها.
صحيح تماماً أن جميع مناطق السودان، ربما باستثناء الخرطوم وبعض مناطق الجزيرة، هي على درجة ما من درجات التهميش في التنمية باختلافات نسبية بينها، ولكن ليس صحيحاً القول بأن أسباب التهميش هي نفس الأسباب في كل المناطق. وكمثال فإن منطقة الشمالية، مسقط رأس الطبقة الحاكمة، مهمَّشة، ولكنها ليست مهمَّشة لنفس أسباب تهميش مناطق الجنوب والغرب والشرق. إنها مهمشة لأن معظم سكانها نزحوا إلى وسط السودان والخرطوم والجزيرة واتخذوها وطناً بديلاً، وكونوا الطبقة التجارية في البلاد كلها ومن ثم احتل أبناؤها مقاعد السلطة في الخرطوم. بمعني آخر، في حين أن منطقة الشمالية مهمَّشة فيما يتعلق بفقدان البنية الأساسية والصناعة، فإن أهل المنطقة ذاتها ليسوا مهمَّشين، تبعاً للمثل الشهير "الفي إيدو القلم ما بكتب نفسو شقي". لقد ظل الذين بقوا في "البلد"، أي قرى الشمالية، ومعظمهم من كبار السن، يدعمون بالتحويلات النقدية من أبنائهم وبناتهم في وسط السودان قبل زمان أطول بكثير من بداية هجرة السودانيين لدول الخليج. وخلاصة القول أن هناك عاملاً عرقياً يعزز من أسباب التهميش في جنوب وغرب وشرق السودان، وهذا العامل غير موجود في الأسباب التي قادت إلى التهميش في شمال السودان. إن جذور الحرب تظهر واضحة للعيان في كلمات "حكمة" تلك السيدة الدارفورية التي قالت لهيلاري أندرسون أنها سمعت مهاجميها يقولون "السود عبيد، السود أغبياء، إقبضوا عليهم أحياء، قيدوهم، وخذوهم بعيدا معكم".
إنني أيضاً على قناعة بأن القسوة التي أبدتها الطبقة الحاكمة الشمالية في قمع المكون الأسود للبلد، ليست إلا انعكاساً لرغبة الشماليين الجارفة في قتل المكون الأسود في ذواتهم.
Friday, October 5, 2007
Tuesday, September 11, 2007
WHO CARE ABOUT Eritrean
WHO CARE ABOUT Eritrean
Refugee
BY Ali Totil(Wedi Gindai)
The two main reasons which force people migrate from their home country are economic problems and lack of peace.The comprenssive war between the government of Eritrea & Ethiopia brought about a massive refugees of Eritreans to Sudan in both pre and after liberation of the country. Based on this, I would like to express my gratiude to the people and government of Sudan on behalf of Eritrean Refugee.It is natural to fail and commite mistakes in process of adminstration but to take curative measure in time should be considered.
It is obvious that, People and government of Sudan accepted and yet they are accepting Eritreans refugees .These refugees have dwelled for long period and consolidated with the people of Sudan.The screening of Eritrean refugees by the UNHCR has three main catagories: first catagory is refugees to undergo interview those who passed the interview to be accepted as legall refugees, second those who failed in the interview to retun their home land and third if s/he can has the capacity to offer for the residence card(egame); to dwell in Sudan or to seek the opportunity for the citizen ship.To see the first catagory many of the refugees failed to fulfill the criteria of UNHCR …… .and are obliged to return their home country, but those who prefered to stay in Sudan obliged to spend a hard life there.They are not a legall refugee, beside they haven’t a capacity to offer the the money for the residence card. There are plenty of refugees who lived there for so long but they get neither residence card nor get the right of refugees.Further more the Ethio-Eritrea conflict brought about the migration of massive youth and worsen the situation of Eritrean refugee camps.
As it is mentioned the second main cause of migration is economic problem, here in Sudan We observe a lot of refugees to suffer with economic problems.because, many of the migrant are youth, they seek a quick solution to their economic problem and parallel to this the opportunity of job here in Sudan is low .This forced youth to undergo illegal migration through deserts of Sudan to Libiya, then by crossing a sea to Italy.These Adventures are one of hardest illegal migation in the world.It must be observed here a lot of innocent life passed in the process.
There are many poor Eritrean refugees who live in khartoum with low in come.I find out that many more of the refugees fired from their job with out any mistakes and frequently owners
Refuse to give their salary for the refugees as there is no legal advocator who stand for the right of refugees. I asked some of the refugees if the Human labour Office in Sudan perform its duty well, many of the refugees reply not at all.This obviously creat fanancial problems.I heard Some are found to be arrested because they are unable to pay the home rent
.
There are also some Eritrean refugees who get financial support from out side , they want to invest here, but they also inform the problem of licience which is not given by their name.Some Eritreans who quit their school and migrate to Sudan lost all their opportunity toward education, as there is no Human developing or training center in the refugee camps,Youth oblige to migrate the Capital city Khartoum for searching education or job .Unfortunately here in Khartoum schools ask a high tutition fee inorder to keep studies.
Here I want stress that many Eritreans don’t know their right as refugees which is decrared by the UNHCR i.e. to go their home country by their will as the first option, second to live in the refugee camps thirdly translocate the refugees to a third country.This is a clear evidence that the counselling service here in Sudan is not performing its duty with a good will.I found out that the third option don’t work for Eritrean refugees, and the wonderful thing about the UNHCR is that they try to find other solutions ruther they let support people with their specific issues.Let me give one concret example, an Eritrean refugee girl who stated her problem to me.She has a boy friend, and spent most of her time with him, one day her parents insisted her to marry a merchant whom she never saw before.She couldn’t accept and escaped to the home of her boy friend .Her family and the new husband searched her but couldn’t find her.She also claims that a group of individuals kicks my boy friend.The boy’s family are very poor,Beside she says’ my friend and I differ in religion this worsen the situation in his home.His family hate me and treat me badly.She says I am spending a hard life.I had asked the girl if she has visited the UNHCR, she says yes I did but their answer was short just go to the court and charge his family.This discouraged me she says to express my problem.
I observed a few countries’ refugee here in Sudan have advocators, however, who will stand for the right of Eritrean refugee? The government, Amnest international,NGOs,Opostion groubs, UNHCR, Allahu aelem.
Refugee
BY Ali Totil(Wedi Gindai)
The two main reasons which force people migrate from their home country are economic problems and lack of peace.The comprenssive war between the government of Eritrea & Ethiopia brought about a massive refugees of Eritreans to Sudan in both pre and after liberation of the country. Based on this, I would like to express my gratiude to the people and government of Sudan on behalf of Eritrean Refugee.It is natural to fail and commite mistakes in process of adminstration but to take curative measure in time should be considered.
It is obvious that, People and government of Sudan accepted and yet they are accepting Eritreans refugees .These refugees have dwelled for long period and consolidated with the people of Sudan.The screening of Eritrean refugees by the UNHCR has three main catagories: first catagory is refugees to undergo interview those who passed the interview to be accepted as legall refugees, second those who failed in the interview to retun their home land and third if s/he can has the capacity to offer for the residence card(egame); to dwell in Sudan or to seek the opportunity for the citizen ship.To see the first catagory many of the refugees failed to fulfill the criteria of UNHCR …… .and are obliged to return their home country, but those who prefered to stay in Sudan obliged to spend a hard life there.They are not a legall refugee, beside they haven’t a capacity to offer the the money for the residence card. There are plenty of refugees who lived there for so long but they get neither residence card nor get the right of refugees.Further more the Ethio-Eritrea conflict brought about the migration of massive youth and worsen the situation of Eritrean refugee camps.
As it is mentioned the second main cause of migration is economic problem, here in Sudan We observe a lot of refugees to suffer with economic problems.because, many of the migrant are youth, they seek a quick solution to their economic problem and parallel to this the opportunity of job here in Sudan is low .This forced youth to undergo illegal migration through deserts of Sudan to Libiya, then by crossing a sea to Italy.These Adventures are one of hardest illegal migation in the world.It must be observed here a lot of innocent life passed in the process.
There are many poor Eritrean refugees who live in khartoum with low in come.I find out that many more of the refugees fired from their job with out any mistakes and frequently owners
Refuse to give their salary for the refugees as there is no legal advocator who stand for the right of refugees. I asked some of the refugees if the Human labour Office in Sudan perform its duty well, many of the refugees reply not at all.This obviously creat fanancial problems.I heard Some are found to be arrested because they are unable to pay the home rent
.
There are also some Eritrean refugees who get financial support from out side , they want to invest here, but they also inform the problem of licience which is not given by their name.Some Eritreans who quit their school and migrate to Sudan lost all their opportunity toward education, as there is no Human developing or training center in the refugee camps,Youth oblige to migrate the Capital city Khartoum for searching education or job .Unfortunately here in Khartoum schools ask a high tutition fee inorder to keep studies.
Here I want stress that many Eritreans don’t know their right as refugees which is decrared by the UNHCR i.e. to go their home country by their will as the first option, second to live in the refugee camps thirdly translocate the refugees to a third country.This is a clear evidence that the counselling service here in Sudan is not performing its duty with a good will.I found out that the third option don’t work for Eritrean refugees, and the wonderful thing about the UNHCR is that they try to find other solutions ruther they let support people with their specific issues.Let me give one concret example, an Eritrean refugee girl who stated her problem to me.She has a boy friend, and spent most of her time with him, one day her parents insisted her to marry a merchant whom she never saw before.She couldn’t accept and escaped to the home of her boy friend .Her family and the new husband searched her but couldn’t find her.She also claims that a group of individuals kicks my boy friend.The boy’s family are very poor,Beside she says’ my friend and I differ in religion this worsen the situation in his home.His family hate me and treat me badly.She says I am spending a hard life.I had asked the girl if she has visited the UNHCR, she says yes I did but their answer was short just go to the court and charge his family.This discouraged me she says to express my problem.
I observed a few countries’ refugee here in Sudan have advocators, however, who will stand for the right of Eritrean refugee? The government, Amnest international,NGOs,Opostion groubs, UNHCR, Allahu aelem.
BACKGROUND ON KUNAMA POPULATION
Information on the Kunama Ethnic Group
By ALI TOTIL(WEDI GINDA)
BACKGROUND ON KUNAMA POPULATION
The Kunama ethnic group lives mainly in the border areas between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Estimates of the Kunama population range from 50,000 (CNEWA 2003) to 142,000 (Ethnologue 2002). The number of native speakers of the Kunama language in Eritrea is estimated by Ethnologue to be 140,000 (Ethnologue 2002). According to a report from the UN information agency, "There are estimated to be around 100,000 Kunamas in Ethiopia and Eritrea….About 70,000 are said to live in Eritrea—mostly in the Gash-Barka region" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). The Catholic Near East Welfare Association (CNEWA) estimates the Kunama population of Eritrea and Ethiopia to be between 50,000 – 60,000 (CNEWA 2003). According to Okbazghi Yohannes, Political Science Professor at the University of Louisville and author of the 1991 book, "Eritrea: Pawn in World Politics":
"The Kunama are a Nilo-Saharan ethnic community living between the Gash and Setit rivers in Southwestern Eritrea. Said to number about 70,000, they are remnants of the ancient inhabitants of the region. Originally the Kunama were animists and their conversion to Islam and Protestantism is of recent history. They are agriculturalists organized into villages" (Yohannes 1991, 7-8).
KUNAMA CULTURE, RELIGION AND LANGUAGE
The Kunama were formerly a nomadic people and today are settled agriculturalists and pastoralists living from cattle. They are matriarchal with a prominent role played by women. According to the Kunama social system, a child is a member of Kunama society only if his or her mother is Kunama, and relatives are only recognized on the mother's side. The Kunama have ceremonies for rights of passage—birth, circumcision, and passage to adulthood—performed by members of the particular kinship group ( Eritrean-Kunama.de 2001). Female circumcision (or female genital mutilation, FGM) is normally performed on young girls between the ages of five and twelve, and the most extreme form of FGM (infibulation, or type III) is carried out on 31 percent of Kunama women according to the U.S. Department of State (US DOS 1 June 2001; Eritrean-Kunama.de, 2001).
The Kunama carry out many tasks communally, including house building, collecting firewood, setting fences, plowing, weeding field-crops, harvesting, crop-gathering and storing, death and burial, and memorial rites (Eritrean-Kunama.de 2001). According to a report from a Catholic pastoral and humanitarian organization:
"The Kunama venerate their ancestors and have a special reverence for the elders of the tribe. This respect for their elders allows the tribe to make important decisions, called "democratic choices," which always involve two elders. The Kunama work together, designating certain months for special "events." September, for example, is the time for harvest; January is the month for repairing houses. Everything is done as a community, each helping the other. Even at funerals, the entire village attends: It is their custom to bid farewell as a group, though children are not allowed to participate" (CNEWA 2003).
"Though there are different theories as to the origin of the Kunama, some say that they came from the historical town of Axum, which in the Kunama language translates to "the fifth small hill." Others say that the Kunama originated in the Nile River basin. According to linguistic classifications, the Kunama language is a distinct category within the West Nilotic group, and is related to languages in Sudan, Chad and Ethiopia" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
According to the State Department's report on international religious freedom, "A majority of the Kunama are Roman Catholics or Muslims, and some practice traditional indigenous religions" (US DOS 7 Oct 2002). A report from a non-governmental organization, however, stated: "Some half of the Kunama people are faithful to their original natural religion, half have already taken up Islam, others are Christians" (Esel-Initiative no date). Traditional Kunama religion is monotheistic, but without the hierarchies and formal external practices of Islam or Christianity. According to a study of Kunama religious practices:
"Unlike the traditional and world religions like Christianity and Islam, the Kunama religion knows neither clergy nor any types of religious rites, celebrations or functions performed in congregation and in established localities such as churches or mosques. It does not even use formal set of prayers or body positions like kneeling or prostrating. The Kunama has a natural attitude towards the material as well as spiritual matters. It is a kind of religion consisting purely on personal and basic belief in the existence of one God…who has created and governs everything…and possesses all the other divine attributes" ( Eritrean-Kunama.de Aug 2001).
KUNAMA LAND AND ECONOMY
A humanitarian update provides the following information on the Kunama ethnic group:
"The [Kunama] are one of the indigenous tribes inhabiting the areas around the Setit and Gash river basin, which extends up to and along the Eritrean and Sudanese border in Eritrea and the adjacent districts of Humera and Adi Abo in the Tigray National Regional State in North-western Ethiopia. The Kunama people are nominally divided into four main groups: Kunama Aimasa, living in the western part of the provincial capital town of Barentu; Kunama Barka, living along the river Gash in the south-eastern part of Barentu; Kunama Marda, residing in the north-eastern part of Barentu; and Kunama Tika, living along the river Gash in the southern part of Barentu" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
The Eritrean government changed the name of the Gash-Setit region to Gash-Barka in 1995 when there was an administrative restructuring in the country. This region is relatively rich in resources. According to a study by Alexander Naty, a professor in the Department of Anthropology at Asmara University:
"There is a great deal of fertile land for farming not only staple food crops such as sorghum, millet and a variety of legumes but also cash crops such as cotton and sesame. There has been a belief that considers the Gash-Setit region as [the] breadbasket of Eritrea. The notion of breadbasket encourages the establishment of large scale farms in the area. The promotion of such farms has been causing environmental degradation in the country….The Gash-Setit region is endowed with pastureland [where] pastoral societies graze their livestock. Communities such as the Tigre and Hedareb graze their camels, cattle and goats in the area. This situation has brought these societies in conflict with the Kunama. According to oral history the conflicts that took place between the Kunama and the coalition of Tigre, Hedareb and the Nara in the 1940s and 1950s were all caused by competition over grazing land" (Naty 2002).
Settlement of people from other areas in the Gash-Setit region was limited during the period of Italian colonialism, under the imperial regime of Haile Selassie, and up to the period of independence. But, settlements "increased alarmingly after [Eritrean] independence" (Naty 2002):
"Since 1991 the area has witnessed the settlement of populations from other regions of Eritrea (particularly highland parts of the country) demobilized ex-fighters and returnees from Sudan….The 1998 conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia has also resulted in the settlement of the internally displaced populations from the Tigrinya ethnic group in Kunama villages, such as Delle, Tolegamaja and Karkon" (Naty 2002).
According to Naty:
"The [Eritrean government] policy that made all land state property has encouraged the settlement of people from other regions of Eritrea in the area. The settlers compete with the local populations over the utilization of resources. The competition over scarce resources often leads to tension. The agricultural policy of the state encourages big commercial farms. The individuals who own these commercial farms are mostly from the Tigrinya ethnic group. The land policy of the Eritrean government undermines the clan-based traditional ownership of land among the Kunama" (Naty 2002).
Horn of Africa specialist Patrick Gilkes states that the Kunama "have suffered extensively at the hands of Tigrinya speaking highlanders who have encroached on their lands, in the past and since Eritrean independence" (BBC News 23 May 2000).
KUNAMA RELATIONS WITH THE ERITREAN AND ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENTS
Relations between the Kunama and the government of Eritrea have been tense since the country's independence in 1993. Kunamas have accused the Eritrean government of expropriating Kunama land for the resettlement of Eritrean refugees from Sudan ( Eritrean-Kunama.de May 2002). There have been various incidents, including the killing of two Kunama brothers by a Tigrinya policeman in Shambakko in 1995 that have increased tensions between the Kunama and Eritrean authorities (Naty 2002).
"More recent hostility between the Kunama and the Tigrinya has been revived by the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998. The Kunama are accused of once again collaborating with Ethiopia because of their alleged association to an opposition movement. The Ethiopian regime has supported some Eritrean opposition movements including the one that the Kunama are accused of supporting" (Naty 2002). Amnesty International, documenting rights violations for year 2000, reported: "Some members of the Kunama ethnic group (or nationality)…were allegedly killed for supporting the Ethiopian military advance" (AI 2001).
The 4,000 refugees currently in the Wa'ala Nihibi refugee camp in Ethiopia, close to the disputed border with Eritrea, are mostly from two villages that came under the control of the Ethiopian army during the conflict. According to an IRIN report: "Their flight, alongside the Ethiopian army which pulled back under the ceasefire agreement, sparked accusations that they had sided with the Ethiopians." One woman in the camp is quoted as saying, "When the Ethiopians left, we were suspicious about revenge the Eritreans might take on us saying we helped the Ethiopians" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). The Eritrean authorities have argued that the refugees were taken against their will by the Ethiopian military and should be returned to Eritrea. However, the pre-existing tension between the Eritrean government and the Kunama, and the existence of Kunama "liberation movements" supported by some Kunama and by the Ethiopian government appears to have increased the Eritrean authorities' suspicions of Kunama loyalties and placed the Wa'ala Nihibi refugees in a precarious situation (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002).
Some Kunama have come out in opposition to the Eritrean government and formed the Eritrean Kunama Democratic Liberation Movement (EKDLM) and the Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement Gash-Setit. Both groups are listed among 11 signatories to the 6 March 1999 political charter of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces ("Political Charter of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces" 6 Mar 1999).
The Alliance of Eritrean National Forces was later renamed the Eritrean National Alliance (ENA) and is informally referred to as the "Alliance." The group's secretary-general, Hirouy Tedla Bahru, told reporters in Ethiopia that the (ENA) is an umbrella group of 14 opposition parties who plan to use the radio and Internet as a tool to overthrow the Eritrean government (Eritrean News Wire 23 Oct 2002). Leaders of the EKDLM and Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement Gash-Setit are listed among the 13 signatories to the 22 October 2002 National Charter of the Eritrean National Alliance established in Addis Ababa ( Eritrean-Kunama.de 29 Apr 2003; Mehari 27 Oct 2002). It is not clear from the sources consulted how much genuine support these organizations have among the Kunama people.
The US Department of State in their Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Eritrea for year 2002 reported:
". . . government and societal discrimination against the Kunama, one of nine ethnic groups, who reside primarily in the west. Because a Kunama opposition group operated out of Ethiopia and was supported by Ethiopian authorities, some Kunama in the country were suspected of supporting or having sympathies with the Ethiopian Government. In 2001 there were unconfirmed reports that the Government took land from Kunamas without compensation and gave it to other ethnic groups on the grounds that the land had not been efficiently exploited. There also was an unconfirmed report that Eritrean refugees returning from Sudan were resettled on Kunama fields after evicting the native Kunama. There was some societal discrimination against Kunamas because they were seen as ethnically and culturally different from most Eritreans" (US DOS 31 Mar 2003).
"There was no information available, nor is any likely to become available, on the several members of the Kunama ethnic group who were detained without charges on suspicion of collaborating with Ethiopian forces in 2000" (US DOS 31 Mar 2003).
KUNAMA REFUGEES
A humanitarian update provided the following information on the situation of the Kunama refugees of the Eritrea-Ethiopia border war:
"The refugees first crossed into Ethiopia soon after the outbreak of the war in May 1998. The fighting continued for two years and resulted in the destruction of Berantu, the capital of Kunama located in Eritrea. Upon their arrival to Ethiopia, the Ethiopian government authorities and the local communities at large received and extended their assistance through a mutual sharing of available but limited resources in order to meet their survival needs. The Kunama refugees numbered 4,164 as of 30 November 2001" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
About 4,000 Kunama fled Eritrea in 2000 as the war with Ethiopia was drawing to a close (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002). The Kunama are living in the refugee camp of Wa'ala Nihibi, near the town of Shiraro, in one of the most contested areas in the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia. According to a report from IRIN:
". . . their plight is a puzzle. Tens of thousand remain in Eritrea. Those who fled are mostly the population of two villages whose districts fell under the control of the Ethiopian army" (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002).
"Their flight, alongside the Ethiopian army which pulled back under the ceasefire agreement, sparked accusations that they had sided with the Ethiopians. Historically, Eritrea has questioned the Kunamas' support for independence from Ethiopia" (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002).
A United Nations Development Programme report on vulnerable populations affected by the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea provides the following information on the Kunama refugees and their recent situation:
"The Ethiopian offensive in 2000 together with problems such as marginalisation that minority ethnic groups usually face within national states, provoked migration starting in April 2000 towards the Shiraro area on Ethiopian territory. Today, some 4,000 Kunama refugees of Eritrean origin are gathered and living in a camp that was set up in August 2000. The camp is located 14 km north of Shiraro town on the Shiraro-Badme road and is the only existing refugee camp in Tigray Region. The governmental Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs (ARRA) and UNHCR administer the camp. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) provides technical assistance while WFP [World Food Programme] and DPPC [Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Commission of Ethiopian government] supply food. The camp is likely to be relocated in the near future approximately 13 km west of Shiraro in a place called 'Grat-Reda', further away from the future border line of the two countries. Most of the camp dwellers the mission found during the visit to the camp were women, children and elderly people. On the other hand, according to a UNHCR census of the camp population in November 2001, the demographic composition is different, i.e., male and female ratio is almost equal (49/51) and the middle aged, both male and female, make up almost 70% of the total registered camp population. The Kunama refugee representative of the camp told the UN-EUE [United Nations- Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia] mission that most middle-aged men are herding their livestock outside the camp during the day. These people are likely to remain with their refugee status in Ethiopia until final resolution of boundary and political issues. As agro-pastoralists, the Kunama refugees still possess livestock, mainly camels, goats and sheep, that are grazing in the area around the camp" (UNDP-EUE 21-30 Jan 2002).
An Ethiopian Humanitarian Update provides the following information on Kunama refugees residing at Wa'ala Nhibi:
"The Kunama refugees are sheltered in a makeshift camp at a place called Wa'ala Nhibi, about 13 km North of Sheraro town in the western zone of the Tigray National Regional State. The camp dwellers are a mix of herders, cultivators, craftspeople and urban dwellers. There is also a small group of formally educated persons. In view of potential insecurity at the site and expressed concerns of the regional authorities, a new alternative and much more secured site has been allocated by the authorities. The new site is named Grat Reda and is located at 10 km Southeast of Sheraro town and 85 km away from the Ethio-Eritrean border. UNHCR, ARRA [Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs] and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) are currently working on preparatory activities jointly drawn in the form of an action plan leading towards the transfer/relocation of the refugees to the new site" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
The refugees' situation has been made more tenuous by a UN decision that was pending at the end of 2002 to terminate refugee status for Eritreans: "The UN's refugee agency, UNHCR, is considering exempting the Kunama at Wa'ala Nihibi from this - but in the meantime their temporary existence continues as they anxiously await their fate" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). Two fires have destroyed the homes of thousands of Kunama refugees residing in Wa'ala Nhibi in recent months. The most recent fire occurred this month [May 2003] and one third of the homes at Wa'ala Nhibi camp were destroyed. The transfer of Kunama refugees from Wa'ala Nhibi is scheduled to take place in July 2003 (UN IRIN 9 May 2003).
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
By ALI TOTIL(WEDI GINDA)
BACKGROUND ON KUNAMA POPULATION
The Kunama ethnic group lives mainly in the border areas between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Estimates of the Kunama population range from 50,000 (CNEWA 2003) to 142,000 (Ethnologue 2002). The number of native speakers of the Kunama language in Eritrea is estimated by Ethnologue to be 140,000 (Ethnologue 2002). According to a report from the UN information agency, "There are estimated to be around 100,000 Kunamas in Ethiopia and Eritrea….About 70,000 are said to live in Eritrea—mostly in the Gash-Barka region" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). The Catholic Near East Welfare Association (CNEWA) estimates the Kunama population of Eritrea and Ethiopia to be between 50,000 – 60,000 (CNEWA 2003). According to Okbazghi Yohannes, Political Science Professor at the University of Louisville and author of the 1991 book, "Eritrea: Pawn in World Politics":
"The Kunama are a Nilo-Saharan ethnic community living between the Gash and Setit rivers in Southwestern Eritrea. Said to number about 70,000, they are remnants of the ancient inhabitants of the region. Originally the Kunama were animists and their conversion to Islam and Protestantism is of recent history. They are agriculturalists organized into villages" (Yohannes 1991, 7-8).
KUNAMA CULTURE, RELIGION AND LANGUAGE
The Kunama were formerly a nomadic people and today are settled agriculturalists and pastoralists living from cattle. They are matriarchal with a prominent role played by women. According to the Kunama social system, a child is a member of Kunama society only if his or her mother is Kunama, and relatives are only recognized on the mother's side. The Kunama have ceremonies for rights of passage—birth, circumcision, and passage to adulthood—performed by members of the particular kinship group ( Eritrean-Kunama.de 2001). Female circumcision (or female genital mutilation, FGM) is normally performed on young girls between the ages of five and twelve, and the most extreme form of FGM (infibulation, or type III) is carried out on 31 percent of Kunama women according to the U.S. Department of State (US DOS 1 June 2001; Eritrean-Kunama.de, 2001).
The Kunama carry out many tasks communally, including house building, collecting firewood, setting fences, plowing, weeding field-crops, harvesting, crop-gathering and storing, death and burial, and memorial rites (Eritrean-Kunama.de 2001). According to a report from a Catholic pastoral and humanitarian organization:
"The Kunama venerate their ancestors and have a special reverence for the elders of the tribe. This respect for their elders allows the tribe to make important decisions, called "democratic choices," which always involve two elders. The Kunama work together, designating certain months for special "events." September, for example, is the time for harvest; January is the month for repairing houses. Everything is done as a community, each helping the other. Even at funerals, the entire village attends: It is their custom to bid farewell as a group, though children are not allowed to participate" (CNEWA 2003).
"Though there are different theories as to the origin of the Kunama, some say that they came from the historical town of Axum, which in the Kunama language translates to "the fifth small hill." Others say that the Kunama originated in the Nile River basin. According to linguistic classifications, the Kunama language is a distinct category within the West Nilotic group, and is related to languages in Sudan, Chad and Ethiopia" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
According to the State Department's report on international religious freedom, "A majority of the Kunama are Roman Catholics or Muslims, and some practice traditional indigenous religions" (US DOS 7 Oct 2002). A report from a non-governmental organization, however, stated: "Some half of the Kunama people are faithful to their original natural religion, half have already taken up Islam, others are Christians" (Esel-Initiative no date). Traditional Kunama religion is monotheistic, but without the hierarchies and formal external practices of Islam or Christianity. According to a study of Kunama religious practices:
"Unlike the traditional and world religions like Christianity and Islam, the Kunama religion knows neither clergy nor any types of religious rites, celebrations or functions performed in congregation and in established localities such as churches or mosques. It does not even use formal set of prayers or body positions like kneeling or prostrating. The Kunama has a natural attitude towards the material as well as spiritual matters. It is a kind of religion consisting purely on personal and basic belief in the existence of one God…who has created and governs everything…and possesses all the other divine attributes" ( Eritrean-Kunama.de Aug 2001).
KUNAMA LAND AND ECONOMY
A humanitarian update provides the following information on the Kunama ethnic group:
"The [Kunama] are one of the indigenous tribes inhabiting the areas around the Setit and Gash river basin, which extends up to and along the Eritrean and Sudanese border in Eritrea and the adjacent districts of Humera and Adi Abo in the Tigray National Regional State in North-western Ethiopia. The Kunama people are nominally divided into four main groups: Kunama Aimasa, living in the western part of the provincial capital town of Barentu; Kunama Barka, living along the river Gash in the south-eastern part of Barentu; Kunama Marda, residing in the north-eastern part of Barentu; and Kunama Tika, living along the river Gash in the southern part of Barentu" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
The Eritrean government changed the name of the Gash-Setit region to Gash-Barka in 1995 when there was an administrative restructuring in the country. This region is relatively rich in resources. According to a study by Alexander Naty, a professor in the Department of Anthropology at Asmara University:
"There is a great deal of fertile land for farming not only staple food crops such as sorghum, millet and a variety of legumes but also cash crops such as cotton and sesame. There has been a belief that considers the Gash-Setit region as [the] breadbasket of Eritrea. The notion of breadbasket encourages the establishment of large scale farms in the area. The promotion of such farms has been causing environmental degradation in the country….The Gash-Setit region is endowed with pastureland [where] pastoral societies graze their livestock. Communities such as the Tigre and Hedareb graze their camels, cattle and goats in the area. This situation has brought these societies in conflict with the Kunama. According to oral history the conflicts that took place between the Kunama and the coalition of Tigre, Hedareb and the Nara in the 1940s and 1950s were all caused by competition over grazing land" (Naty 2002).
Settlement of people from other areas in the Gash-Setit region was limited during the period of Italian colonialism, under the imperial regime of Haile Selassie, and up to the period of independence. But, settlements "increased alarmingly after [Eritrean] independence" (Naty 2002):
"Since 1991 the area has witnessed the settlement of populations from other regions of Eritrea (particularly highland parts of the country) demobilized ex-fighters and returnees from Sudan….The 1998 conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia has also resulted in the settlement of the internally displaced populations from the Tigrinya ethnic group in Kunama villages, such as Delle, Tolegamaja and Karkon" (Naty 2002).
According to Naty:
"The [Eritrean government] policy that made all land state property has encouraged the settlement of people from other regions of Eritrea in the area. The settlers compete with the local populations over the utilization of resources. The competition over scarce resources often leads to tension. The agricultural policy of the state encourages big commercial farms. The individuals who own these commercial farms are mostly from the Tigrinya ethnic group. The land policy of the Eritrean government undermines the clan-based traditional ownership of land among the Kunama" (Naty 2002).
Horn of Africa specialist Patrick Gilkes states that the Kunama "have suffered extensively at the hands of Tigrinya speaking highlanders who have encroached on their lands, in the past and since Eritrean independence" (BBC News 23 May 2000).
KUNAMA RELATIONS WITH THE ERITREAN AND ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENTS
Relations between the Kunama and the government of Eritrea have been tense since the country's independence in 1993. Kunamas have accused the Eritrean government of expropriating Kunama land for the resettlement of Eritrean refugees from Sudan ( Eritrean-Kunama.de May 2002). There have been various incidents, including the killing of two Kunama brothers by a Tigrinya policeman in Shambakko in 1995 that have increased tensions between the Kunama and Eritrean authorities (Naty 2002).
"More recent hostility between the Kunama and the Tigrinya has been revived by the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998. The Kunama are accused of once again collaborating with Ethiopia because of their alleged association to an opposition movement. The Ethiopian regime has supported some Eritrean opposition movements including the one that the Kunama are accused of supporting" (Naty 2002). Amnesty International, documenting rights violations for year 2000, reported: "Some members of the Kunama ethnic group (or nationality)…were allegedly killed for supporting the Ethiopian military advance" (AI 2001).
The 4,000 refugees currently in the Wa'ala Nihibi refugee camp in Ethiopia, close to the disputed border with Eritrea, are mostly from two villages that came under the control of the Ethiopian army during the conflict. According to an IRIN report: "Their flight, alongside the Ethiopian army which pulled back under the ceasefire agreement, sparked accusations that they had sided with the Ethiopians." One woman in the camp is quoted as saying, "When the Ethiopians left, we were suspicious about revenge the Eritreans might take on us saying we helped the Ethiopians" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). The Eritrean authorities have argued that the refugees were taken against their will by the Ethiopian military and should be returned to Eritrea. However, the pre-existing tension between the Eritrean government and the Kunama, and the existence of Kunama "liberation movements" supported by some Kunama and by the Ethiopian government appears to have increased the Eritrean authorities' suspicions of Kunama loyalties and placed the Wa'ala Nihibi refugees in a precarious situation (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002).
Some Kunama have come out in opposition to the Eritrean government and formed the Eritrean Kunama Democratic Liberation Movement (EKDLM) and the Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement Gash-Setit. Both groups are listed among 11 signatories to the 6 March 1999 political charter of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces ("Political Charter of the Alliance of Eritrean National Forces" 6 Mar 1999).
The Alliance of Eritrean National Forces was later renamed the Eritrean National Alliance (ENA) and is informally referred to as the "Alliance." The group's secretary-general, Hirouy Tedla Bahru, told reporters in Ethiopia that the (ENA) is an umbrella group of 14 opposition parties who plan to use the radio and Internet as a tool to overthrow the Eritrean government (Eritrean News Wire 23 Oct 2002). Leaders of the EKDLM and Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement Gash-Setit are listed among the 13 signatories to the 22 October 2002 National Charter of the Eritrean National Alliance established in Addis Ababa ( Eritrean-Kunama.de 29 Apr 2003; Mehari 27 Oct 2002). It is not clear from the sources consulted how much genuine support these organizations have among the Kunama people.
The US Department of State in their Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Eritrea for year 2002 reported:
". . . government and societal discrimination against the Kunama, one of nine ethnic groups, who reside primarily in the west. Because a Kunama opposition group operated out of Ethiopia and was supported by Ethiopian authorities, some Kunama in the country were suspected of supporting or having sympathies with the Ethiopian Government. In 2001 there were unconfirmed reports that the Government took land from Kunamas without compensation and gave it to other ethnic groups on the grounds that the land had not been efficiently exploited. There also was an unconfirmed report that Eritrean refugees returning from Sudan were resettled on Kunama fields after evicting the native Kunama. There was some societal discrimination against Kunamas because they were seen as ethnically and culturally different from most Eritreans" (US DOS 31 Mar 2003).
"There was no information available, nor is any likely to become available, on the several members of the Kunama ethnic group who were detained without charges on suspicion of collaborating with Ethiopian forces in 2000" (US DOS 31 Mar 2003).
KUNAMA REFUGEES
A humanitarian update provided the following information on the situation of the Kunama refugees of the Eritrea-Ethiopia border war:
"The refugees first crossed into Ethiopia soon after the outbreak of the war in May 1998. The fighting continued for two years and resulted in the destruction of Berantu, the capital of Kunama located in Eritrea. Upon their arrival to Ethiopia, the Ethiopian government authorities and the local communities at large received and extended their assistance through a mutual sharing of available but limited resources in order to meet their survival needs. The Kunama refugees numbered 4,164 as of 30 November 2001" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
About 4,000 Kunama fled Eritrea in 2000 as the war with Ethiopia was drawing to a close (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002). The Kunama are living in the refugee camp of Wa'ala Nihibi, near the town of Shiraro, in one of the most contested areas in the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia. According to a report from IRIN:
". . . their plight is a puzzle. Tens of thousand remain in Eritrea. Those who fled are mostly the population of two villages whose districts fell under the control of the Ethiopian army" (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002).
"Their flight, alongside the Ethiopian army which pulled back under the ceasefire agreement, sparked accusations that they had sided with the Ethiopians. Historically, Eritrea has questioned the Kunamas' support for independence from Ethiopia" (UN IRIN 2 Dec. 2002).
A United Nations Development Programme report on vulnerable populations affected by the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea provides the following information on the Kunama refugees and their recent situation:
"The Ethiopian offensive in 2000 together with problems such as marginalisation that minority ethnic groups usually face within national states, provoked migration starting in April 2000 towards the Shiraro area on Ethiopian territory. Today, some 4,000 Kunama refugees of Eritrean origin are gathered and living in a camp that was set up in August 2000. The camp is located 14 km north of Shiraro town on the Shiraro-Badme road and is the only existing refugee camp in Tigray Region. The governmental Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs (ARRA) and UNHCR administer the camp. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) provides technical assistance while WFP [World Food Programme] and DPPC [Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Commission of Ethiopian government] supply food. The camp is likely to be relocated in the near future approximately 13 km west of Shiraro in a place called 'Grat-Reda', further away from the future border line of the two countries. Most of the camp dwellers the mission found during the visit to the camp were women, children and elderly people. On the other hand, according to a UNHCR census of the camp population in November 2001, the demographic composition is different, i.e., male and female ratio is almost equal (49/51) and the middle aged, both male and female, make up almost 70% of the total registered camp population. The Kunama refugee representative of the camp told the UN-EUE [United Nations- Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia] mission that most middle-aged men are herding their livestock outside the camp during the day. These people are likely to remain with their refugee status in Ethiopia until final resolution of boundary and political issues. As agro-pastoralists, the Kunama refugees still possess livestock, mainly camels, goats and sheep, that are grazing in the area around the camp" (UNDP-EUE 21-30 Jan 2002).
An Ethiopian Humanitarian Update provides the following information on Kunama refugees residing at Wa'ala Nhibi:
"The Kunama refugees are sheltered in a makeshift camp at a place called Wa'ala Nhibi, about 13 km North of Sheraro town in the western zone of the Tigray National Regional State. The camp dwellers are a mix of herders, cultivators, craftspeople and urban dwellers. There is also a small group of formally educated persons. In view of potential insecurity at the site and expressed concerns of the regional authorities, a new alternative and much more secured site has been allocated by the authorities. The new site is named Grat Reda and is located at 10 km Southeast of Sheraro town and 85 km away from the Ethio-Eritrean border. UNHCR, ARRA [Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs] and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) are currently working on preparatory activities jointly drawn in the form of an action plan leading towards the transfer/relocation of the refugees to the new site" (Ethiopia Humanitarian Update 28 Feb 2002).
The refugees' situation has been made more tenuous by a UN decision that was pending at the end of 2002 to terminate refugee status for Eritreans: "The UN's refugee agency, UNHCR, is considering exempting the Kunama at Wa'ala Nihibi from this - but in the meantime their temporary existence continues as they anxiously await their fate" (UN IRIN 2 Dec 2002). Two fires have destroyed the homes of thousands of Kunama refugees residing in Wa'ala Nhibi in recent months. The most recent fire occurred this month [May 2003] and one third of the homes at Wa'ala Nhibi camp were destroyed. The transfer of Kunama refugees from Wa'ala Nhibi is scheduled to take place in July 2003 (UN IRIN 9 May 2003).
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
ጽልኢ ኣይነሳውር
ጽልኢ ኣይነሳውር
ብ ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዉሑዳት ማዓልታት ኣብ ገለ ወብሳይታት ከም ዝታዓዘብናዮ ን ኣቶ ይስሓቕ በሽር ዝምልከት ነቐፈታ ሓዘል ፅሑፋት ታዓዚብና.ንገለ ካብ ኣምር ምትእርራም ወፅዮም ናብ ነጋራት ኣብ ምስዋር ዘድሃቡ ፁሑፋት ዝዘርግሑ ወገናት ከማሓላልፎ ዝደሊ መልእኽቲ ኢንተህልዩ ኪኣ ንነጋራት ካብቲ ዝግቦኦም ንላዕሊ ሚዛን ሂብና ኣብ ክንዲ ንቕድሚት ዘሰጉምና ተግባራት ነዝውትር ንድሕሪት መሊሶም ኩጎቱና ዝኽእሉ ሕማቅ ስእልታት ንህዝብና ከንቕርብ ጊዜ ዘይጠልቦ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ ይስማዓኒ.
እዚ ክብል ከለኹ ንዘረባ ኣቶ በሽር ብምዳጋፍ ዘይኮነ ንከምዚኣኦም ዝበሉ ወገናት ካብቲ ተሸሚሞሙሉ ዘለዉ ናይ ጸቢብ ኣትሓሳስባ ከንውጽኦም ብኩልንትናና ክንጽዕር ይግባእ ባሃላይ ኢየ. ኩሉ ፉጡር ብናቱ ሞቦቖል ዝኾርዕን ናቱ መንነት ኣቒቡ ክኸይድ ይደሊን,ዘይሰማምዕ ነጥቢ ግን "ንሕና" ዝብል ናይ ዕብለላ ሐደ ነቲ ሓደ ክረኣ ከሎ ኢዩ.ናኣብነት ኣብ ርዋንዳ ዝተግብረ ጃምላዊ ቕትለት ቱትሲ ብሁቱ መብገሲኣኡ ጽልኢ ናይ ሁቱ ኣብ ልዕሊ ቱትሲ ኢዩ.ከሙኡው'ን ኣብ ቦዝንያ ዝተኻየደ ጃምልዊ ህልቒት ናይ ሙስሊም መብገሲኡ ተማሳሳሊ ዝኾነ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣስላም ዝጸንሐ ዱጉል ፅልኢ ናይ ሰርብ ኢዩ.
ኣብ ዚ ጊዜ እዚ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዲክታቶራዊ ዝኾነ ስርዓት ወዲቓ ኣብ ትረከብሉ ዘላ ጊዜ ህዝቢ ብሰንኪ እዚ ስርዓት ሰላምን ርግኣትን ሲኢኑሉ ኣብ ዘሎ ጊዘ ንሕና ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣለና እንብል ሰባት ዕድመ ናይ ዲክታቶር ኣብ ምንዋሕ እንግብሮ ዘለና ጻዕሪ ኣዝዩ ዘስደምም ኢዩ.ብከምዚ ዓይነት ዱጉል ዕሉልን ዕላማታት ተበጊስካ ኸ ዓወት ናይ መን ኮን ይክውን ዝድለ ዘሎ? ከም ኣብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገርና ዘሎ ኩነታት ብቐቢላን ብሃይማኖትን ዝሰረቱ መንግስቲ ክንተክል ድዩ ኢቲ ኣጀናዳ? መን ኣብ ልዕሊ መን ኢዩ ክኽውን ዝደሊ?
ንጹህ ዝኽነ ፖሊቲካዊ ድለት ክሳብ ዘይሃለወና ምትእምማን ኣብ ነንሕድሕድና ክሳብ ዘይሃልወና ሓድነትና ኣትሪርና ክሳብ ዘይተቃለስና ዕድመ ዲክታቶር ዘናውሑ ተቓወምቲ ትርግታ ልቢ ህዝቦም ዘይስተውዕሉ ተቓወምቲ ኮይና ኢና ክንተርፍ.ስለዚ ንስመር ምስ ህዝብና ንጉዓዝ ንህዝባና ንምሰል ፈላላይ ዝኮነ ኣጀናዳ ፡ሓሳባት ነወግድ.
ብ ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዉሑዳት ማዓልታት ኣብ ገለ ወብሳይታት ከም ዝታዓዘብናዮ ን ኣቶ ይስሓቕ በሽር ዝምልከት ነቐፈታ ሓዘል ፅሑፋት ታዓዚብና.ንገለ ካብ ኣምር ምትእርራም ወፅዮም ናብ ነጋራት ኣብ ምስዋር ዘድሃቡ ፁሑፋት ዝዘርግሑ ወገናት ከማሓላልፎ ዝደሊ መልእኽቲ ኢንተህልዩ ኪኣ ንነጋራት ካብቲ ዝግቦኦም ንላዕሊ ሚዛን ሂብና ኣብ ክንዲ ንቕድሚት ዘሰጉምና ተግባራት ነዝውትር ንድሕሪት መሊሶም ኩጎቱና ዝኽእሉ ሕማቅ ስእልታት ንህዝብና ከንቕርብ ጊዜ ዘይጠልቦ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ ይስማዓኒ.
እዚ ክብል ከለኹ ንዘረባ ኣቶ በሽር ብምዳጋፍ ዘይኮነ ንከምዚኣኦም ዝበሉ ወገናት ካብቲ ተሸሚሞሙሉ ዘለዉ ናይ ጸቢብ ኣትሓሳስባ ከንውጽኦም ብኩልንትናና ክንጽዕር ይግባእ ባሃላይ ኢየ. ኩሉ ፉጡር ብናቱ ሞቦቖል ዝኾርዕን ናቱ መንነት ኣቒቡ ክኸይድ ይደሊን,ዘይሰማምዕ ነጥቢ ግን "ንሕና" ዝብል ናይ ዕብለላ ሐደ ነቲ ሓደ ክረኣ ከሎ ኢዩ.ናኣብነት ኣብ ርዋንዳ ዝተግብረ ጃምላዊ ቕትለት ቱትሲ ብሁቱ መብገሲኣኡ ጽልኢ ናይ ሁቱ ኣብ ልዕሊ ቱትሲ ኢዩ.ከሙኡው'ን ኣብ ቦዝንያ ዝተኻየደ ጃምልዊ ህልቒት ናይ ሙስሊም መብገሲኡ ተማሳሳሊ ዝኾነ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣስላም ዝጸንሐ ዱጉል ፅልኢ ናይ ሰርብ ኢዩ.
ኣብ ዚ ጊዜ እዚ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዲክታቶራዊ ዝኾነ ስርዓት ወዲቓ ኣብ ትረከብሉ ዘላ ጊዜ ህዝቢ ብሰንኪ እዚ ስርዓት ሰላምን ርግኣትን ሲኢኑሉ ኣብ ዘሎ ጊዘ ንሕና ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣለና እንብል ሰባት ዕድመ ናይ ዲክታቶር ኣብ ምንዋሕ እንግብሮ ዘለና ጻዕሪ ኣዝዩ ዘስደምም ኢዩ.ብከምዚ ዓይነት ዱጉል ዕሉልን ዕላማታት ተበጊስካ ኸ ዓወት ናይ መን ኮን ይክውን ዝድለ ዘሎ? ከም ኣብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገርና ዘሎ ኩነታት ብቐቢላን ብሃይማኖትን ዝሰረቱ መንግስቲ ክንተክል ድዩ ኢቲ ኣጀናዳ? መን ኣብ ልዕሊ መን ኢዩ ክኽውን ዝደሊ?
ንጹህ ዝኽነ ፖሊቲካዊ ድለት ክሳብ ዘይሃለወና ምትእምማን ኣብ ነንሕድሕድና ክሳብ ዘይሃልወና ሓድነትና ኣትሪርና ክሳብ ዘይተቃለስና ዕድመ ዲክታቶር ዘናውሑ ተቓወምቲ ትርግታ ልቢ ህዝቦም ዘይስተውዕሉ ተቓወምቲ ኮይና ኢና ክንተርፍ.ስለዚ ንስመር ምስ ህዝብና ንጉዓዝ ንህዝባና ንምሰል ፈላላይ ዝኮነ ኣጀናዳ ፡ሓሳባት ነወግድ.
Sunday, September 9, 2007
መን’ዩ መንሽሮ ሃገር
መን’ዩ መንሽሮ ሃገር
ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
ምስ ገለ ኣሕዋት ደቂ ሃገር ብዛዕባ ኩነታት ሃገርና ኣልዒልና ኣብ ንዝትየሉ ዝንበርና እዋን፡ንናይ ሃገርና ኩነታት ኩልና ሓደ ፍሹል መንግስቲ ሒዝና ንጉዓዝ ከም ዘለና ኣስሚርናሉ፡ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ማሕበራዊ፡ኢኮኖምያዊ ኩነታት፡፡እንተኾነ መን’ዩ ናይ ዚ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት ተሓታቲ ወይ ኣየናይ ኣካል’ዩ ተሓታቲ? ኣብ ዝብል ዝተፋላለየ ርእይቶት ኔሩ፡ንገለ ካብ’ኡ ብሕጽር ዝበለ ንተዓዘብ፡፡
ሓደ ካባና ናይ ሃገር መሪሕነት ሓደ ኣበር የብሉን ባሃላይ’ዩ፡መርትዑኡ እንከቕርብ ድማ፡ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ጽፍሒ ዘለዉ ኣካላት ካብ ሜዳ ኣትሒዞም ዝኽተልዎ ፖሊሲ፡ንናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምዕባለን፡ሓድነትን ብጉቡእ ዝሕሉን ሃገርውነት ዘቕደመ፡ ን ህዝቢ ዉፉይ ዝኾነ መሪሕነት ምኾኑን እንተኾነ ኣብ ማእከላይ ጽፍሒ ዝርከቡ ናይ ኢ.ሰ.ፓ ኣባላት ነበርን ኣብ ዉልቃዊ ጥቕሞም ዝተቖማጥዑ ተጋድልትን’ዮም ቀንዲ መንቅብ ሃገር ክብል ይጠቅስ።
ካልኣይ ርእይቶ ወሃቢ፡መሪሕነት ተኽሳሲ ይብል።ምኽንያቱ ኩሉ ናይ ሃገር ዝዓበየን ዝናኣሰን ጉዳያት በዚ ጉጅለ እዚ ተነዲፉን ተማእዚዙን ዝኽይድ ክሳብ ዝኮነ እዛ ጭፍራ እዚ’ኣ ተሓታቲት ናይ ዚ ህሞት እዚ’ያ ይብል።
ሳልሳይ ርእይቶ ወሃቢ፡ናይ ኣተሓሳስባን ጋግን ዕድመን ዝፈጠሮ ቅልውላው’ዩ ዘለና በሃላይ’ዩ።ኣብ ዉሽጢ ሃገር ይኹን ወጻኢ ዉሑዳት ዘይኮኑ ብኣውራጃውን,ቀቢላውን, ሃይማኖታውን ኣተሓሳስባ ተቀይዶም ነዚ ንምትግባር ህርድግ ኣብ ዝብልሉ እዋን ማሕበራውን ፖለቲካውን ኣሰራቱ ጎሊሑ ይርኣ፡ኣብ ናይ ዕድመ ምስ እንርኢው’ን መብዛሕቶም ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ዝነጥፉ ዘለዉ መንእሰያት 60’ታት’ዮም፡ ካብዚ’ኦም ብቁጽሪ ዘይዉሑዳት ምንጪ ናይ ከፋፋሊ ኣባሃህላታትን ተግባራትን ዝርከብ ዘሎ፡ ስለዚ እዚኦም ማሕለኻ ሃገር ኮይኖም ዘለው ይብል።
እቲ ክትዕ ካብ’ዚ ኣብ ጽሁፍ ቐሪቡ ዘሎ ዕሙቕ ይብል፡ ብሓፈሻ ግን ነዚ ይመስል፡ከም ሓደ ዜጋ ንርእይቶኦም ርእይቶ ክህብ ምስ ዝመርጽ፡ኩሎም ኣብ ሓቂ ዘለዉ ኮይኑ ይስማዓኒ፡ቀዳማይ ወሃቢ ርእይቶ ዝበሎ ኣብ ማእከላይ ጽፍሒ ዝጥቅን ክሱ፡ካልኣይ ዘስዓቦ ጉጅለ 1 ተሓታቲ ዝገብር ዘረብኡ፡ሳልሳይ ዘስዓቦ ፈላላይ ኣታሓሳስባ ዘለዎም ሰባት ሰረት ኩሉ ድሕሪት ዝጎትት ኣተሓሳስባ መንሽሮ ሃገር ዝገበረ ርእይቶ ኩሎም ኣብ ዚ ዘለናዮ ህሞት ዘውዱቕና’ዮም።ኣብ ዉሽጢ ሃገር ሓታትን ተሓታትን ኣብ ዘይብሉ ፍታሕ ክህሉ ምጽባይ የዋህነት’ዩ።”ፍትሒ ኣብ ዘይብሉ ሓዳር ፍትሕ ፍታሕ’ዩ” ዝብል ጥቕሲ መልሲ ይመስል።ኣብ ደገ ዘሎ ኣብ ጸቢብ ዓንኬል ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ መሰረት ጌሩ ዝተበገሰ ሓይሊ፡ “ተጎራሪሕና ሃገር ነዕኑ ተዓሻሺና ሃገር ነድሕን” ዝብል ጥቅሲ ምስ ሕድገታት፡ሕልና ተደሚሩ ነቲ ዝድለ ዘሎ ፍትሕ መቃላጠፊ ሞኾነ ዝብል ርእይቶ ኣለኒ።
ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
ምስ ገለ ኣሕዋት ደቂ ሃገር ብዛዕባ ኩነታት ሃገርና ኣልዒልና ኣብ ንዝትየሉ ዝንበርና እዋን፡ንናይ ሃገርና ኩነታት ኩልና ሓደ ፍሹል መንግስቲ ሒዝና ንጉዓዝ ከም ዘለና ኣስሚርናሉ፡ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ማሕበራዊ፡ኢኮኖምያዊ ኩነታት፡፡እንተኾነ መን’ዩ ናይ ዚ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት ተሓታቲ ወይ ኣየናይ ኣካል’ዩ ተሓታቲ? ኣብ ዝብል ዝተፋላለየ ርእይቶት ኔሩ፡ንገለ ካብ’ኡ ብሕጽር ዝበለ ንተዓዘብ፡፡
ሓደ ካባና ናይ ሃገር መሪሕነት ሓደ ኣበር የብሉን ባሃላይ’ዩ፡መርትዑኡ እንከቕርብ ድማ፡ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ጽፍሒ ዘለዉ ኣካላት ካብ ሜዳ ኣትሒዞም ዝኽተልዎ ፖሊሲ፡ንናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምዕባለን፡ሓድነትን ብጉቡእ ዝሕሉን ሃገርውነት ዘቕደመ፡ ን ህዝቢ ዉፉይ ዝኾነ መሪሕነት ምኾኑን እንተኾነ ኣብ ማእከላይ ጽፍሒ ዝርከቡ ናይ ኢ.ሰ.ፓ ኣባላት ነበርን ኣብ ዉልቃዊ ጥቕሞም ዝተቖማጥዑ ተጋድልትን’ዮም ቀንዲ መንቅብ ሃገር ክብል ይጠቅስ።
ካልኣይ ርእይቶ ወሃቢ፡መሪሕነት ተኽሳሲ ይብል።ምኽንያቱ ኩሉ ናይ ሃገር ዝዓበየን ዝናኣሰን ጉዳያት በዚ ጉጅለ እዚ ተነዲፉን ተማእዚዙን ዝኽይድ ክሳብ ዝኮነ እዛ ጭፍራ እዚ’ኣ ተሓታቲት ናይ ዚ ህሞት እዚ’ያ ይብል።
ሳልሳይ ርእይቶ ወሃቢ፡ናይ ኣተሓሳስባን ጋግን ዕድመን ዝፈጠሮ ቅልውላው’ዩ ዘለና በሃላይ’ዩ።ኣብ ዉሽጢ ሃገር ይኹን ወጻኢ ዉሑዳት ዘይኮኑ ብኣውራጃውን,ቀቢላውን, ሃይማኖታውን ኣተሓሳስባ ተቀይዶም ነዚ ንምትግባር ህርድግ ኣብ ዝብልሉ እዋን ማሕበራውን ፖለቲካውን ኣሰራቱ ጎሊሑ ይርኣ፡ኣብ ናይ ዕድመ ምስ እንርኢው’ን መብዛሕቶም ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ዝነጥፉ ዘለዉ መንእሰያት 60’ታት’ዮም፡ ካብዚ’ኦም ብቁጽሪ ዘይዉሑዳት ምንጪ ናይ ከፋፋሊ ኣባሃህላታትን ተግባራትን ዝርከብ ዘሎ፡ ስለዚ እዚኦም ማሕለኻ ሃገር ኮይኖም ዘለው ይብል።
እቲ ክትዕ ካብ’ዚ ኣብ ጽሁፍ ቐሪቡ ዘሎ ዕሙቕ ይብል፡ ብሓፈሻ ግን ነዚ ይመስል፡ከም ሓደ ዜጋ ንርእይቶኦም ርእይቶ ክህብ ምስ ዝመርጽ፡ኩሎም ኣብ ሓቂ ዘለዉ ኮይኑ ይስማዓኒ፡ቀዳማይ ወሃቢ ርእይቶ ዝበሎ ኣብ ማእከላይ ጽፍሒ ዝጥቅን ክሱ፡ካልኣይ ዘስዓቦ ጉጅለ 1 ተሓታቲ ዝገብር ዘረብኡ፡ሳልሳይ ዘስዓቦ ፈላላይ ኣታሓሳስባ ዘለዎም ሰባት ሰረት ኩሉ ድሕሪት ዝጎትት ኣተሓሳስባ መንሽሮ ሃገር ዝገበረ ርእይቶ ኩሎም ኣብ ዚ ዘለናዮ ህሞት ዘውዱቕና’ዮም።ኣብ ዉሽጢ ሃገር ሓታትን ተሓታትን ኣብ ዘይብሉ ፍታሕ ክህሉ ምጽባይ የዋህነት’ዩ።”ፍትሒ ኣብ ዘይብሉ ሓዳር ፍትሕ ፍታሕ’ዩ” ዝብል ጥቕሲ መልሲ ይመስል።ኣብ ደገ ዘሎ ኣብ ጸቢብ ዓንኬል ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ መሰረት ጌሩ ዝተበገሰ ሓይሊ፡ “ተጎራሪሕና ሃገር ነዕኑ ተዓሻሺና ሃገር ነድሕን” ዝብል ጥቅሲ ምስ ሕድገታት፡ሕልና ተደሚሩ ነቲ ዝድለ ዘሎ ፍትሕ መቃላጠፊ ሞኾነ ዝብል ርእይቶ ኣለኒ።
ዓሊ ቶቲል(ወዲ ጊንዳዕ)
Saturday, September 1, 2007
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)